KNH-UoN Ethics and Research Committee

Substantial financial and human resources from donors, governments, civil society organisations and the private sector have been committed to fighting HIV/AIDS since it was first discovered in Africa. As more resources are allocated, there is a growing need for countries to properly account for these funds. This book measures the financial response to the pandemic in Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania Malawi and Zambia. This publication emerges out of an extensive multi-country resource tracking project conducted by Idasa’s Governance and AIDS Programme that analysed the national budgets of these countries from an HIV/AIDS perspective; investigated and evaluated how HIV/AIDS resources are disbursed, for what activities and for whose benefit; and made recommendations on effective and efficient HIV/AIDS financing and spending.

The resistance of circumcisers can be a substantial obstacle to the eradication of female genital mutilation (FGM). As part of a broader study on FGM conducted in Kenya's Machakos, Nyeri, and Embu districts, in-depth interviews were conducted with 19 circumcisers. 18 were female. FGM is not a full-time activity, so circumcisers were also engaged in farming and small-scale businesses; 5 were traditional birth attendants (TBAs). With the exception of the TBAs, respondents had no formal clinic- or hospital-based training to prepare them for their practice. Although circumcisers identified excessive bleeding and infection as potential sequelae of FGM, they attributed these complications to curses, bad omens, or broken taboos. The main advantage of FGM cited by respondents was the reduction of sexual desire, which is believed to reduce prostitution and promote moral standards. Uncircumcised girls were viewed with contempt. Most circumcisions are performed when girls are 3-11 years of age, contradicting the claim that the practice is performed to prepare young women for marriage. Although fees varied widely, all respondents viewed FGM as an important income source. They felt their work conferred high status within their communities and an opportunity to promote moral standards. Although many circumcisers are unlikely to stop their practice because of the social prestige it confers and their belief they are destined to perform this function, others could be persuaded to take up alternate means of generating an income if provided with start-up capital. Also important would be involvement of circumcisers in the development of alternative coming-of-age rituals.

The study provides a critical analysis of primary education in Kenya between 1989 and 2002, focusing on participation, internal efficiency and equity. Key findings indicated that the major challenges facing primary school education in Kenya include unsatisfactory levels of access and participation, regional disparities, declining quality and relevance, rising educational costs, poverty incidence, and declining government financing (prior to FPE), internal inefficiencies and school wastage. Over-age enrollments, increasing dropout rates, high repetition rates, low completion rates, declining transition rates from primary education level to higher education levels, and declining survival rates denote internal inefficiencies and primary school wastage that characterized trends in access to primary education between 1989 and 2002. Most of the resources are spent on recurrent expenditure items dominated by teachers remuneration, while development allocation constitutes less 5 per cent (in 2001 the proportion was 2 per cent). Other challenges include lack of clear policy guidelines on cost sharing, inadequate mechanisms in the identification of needy students within the school system, inefficiencies in resource mobilization, utilization and accountability, poor management of some learning institutions, over reliance of donor funding in development projects/programmes, unsustainability of programmes/projects, child labour, and increasing numbers of destitute/street children. FPE initiative aims at addressing the challenges relating to access. However, close monitoring and evaluation are important in ensuring programme sustainability.

No Abstract!

The critical challenge facing Kenya is to raise the rate of economic growth to levels
incorporating broad-based improvement in the standards of living and well-being of Kenyans
in order to reduce poverty which has increased rapidly in the recent past (PRSP, 2000).
Kenya's economic growth rate declined dramatically from an average of 6.6% in 1970s to
4.2% in 1980s to an average 2.1% in the 1990s. The living conditions of the vast majority
of Kenyans are deteriorating rapidly. There is a marked increase in the number of people
unable to access clean water, clothing, shelter, health services and education. Unemployment
is a problem in Kenya. Average unemployment is at 23%, and is even higher for youth that
drop out of school and for women, averaging 25% in both cases (Chune, 2003). Government
services in many cases are no longer available. Growing disparities in access to services have
further undercut the living conditions of low-income households. School enrolments, infant
mortality and life expectancy have deteriorated (UNDp, 2002).
Kenya's economic objectives of growth, poverty reduction and improved resource utilization
and access have remained essentially the same since independence. The quest for sustainable
socio-economic development has however been a challenging endeavor, influencing some
policy shifts. The strident call has basically centred on poverty reduction, inclusion of those
excluded from the enjoyment of the benefits of economic growth and the redistribution of
productive resources. What have consequently changed are the strategies to achieve the
objectives of sustainable human development focusing on improving the quality of life of the
majority poor.
Poverty reduction broadly defined requires processes that help people to improve their
capabilities and functioning, that enable them to take charge of their affairs (Gondi, 2005).
Kenya has come up with many poverty reduction policies since independence, most of which
have had little success. The previous pre-1990s povertyreduction policies erroneouslyassumed
that the benefits of rapid growth of key sectors such as industry, service and agriculture would
automatically trickle down to all sectors of society. So more effort was injected into improving
economic performance (export incentive, agricultural food processing, etc.), at the expense
of promoting societal welfare enhancing projects. For example, some policies like the rural
and informal sector development did not receive the much-needed political will and required
resource allocation, to be effective.
87

Premessa
Le ONG che operano sotto I'ombrello dell'Osservatorio Italiano per l'Azione Globale contro I'AIDS notano
con preoccupazione la mancanza di coordinamento tra i diversi progetti per la lotta all'HIV e AIDS
finanziati dai donatori. La maggior parte di questi interventi viene realizzata in modo indipendente e
scollegato dalle iniziative coordinate a livello globale 0 dalle istituzioni nazionali competenti nei Paesi
che beneficiano dei finanziamenti. Raccogliendo queste preoccupazioni, AMREF Italia e ActionAid
International hanno commissionato uno studio per valutare I'adeguatezza e il grado di coordinamento
dei differenti donatori in Kenya.
II problema del coordinamento ha assunto recentemente una rilevanza internazionale attraverso la
strategia dei "Three Ones" accettata dai maggiori donatori. I"Three Ones" costituiscono i tre principi
strategici di riferimento per gli interventi nazionali e dei donatori e consistono in: 1) un unico piano
nazionale per la lotta alia pand~mia; 2) un'unica autorita nazionale di coordinamento; 3) un unico sistema
di monitoraggio e valutazione.

The HIV/AIDS pandemic has emerged as one of the leading challenges to global public health and development. Sub-Saharan Africa, in particular, has become the epicenter of the pandemic, with over 29.4 million people currently living with the virus and more than 2.4 million people having succumbed to the
disease. In Kenya, the agonies of the HIV/AIDS to individuals, families and societies are overwhelming. Much of the hard-won gains in economic growth, life expectancy and child survival have been wiped out. Besides, many sectors, including education, agriculture, industry and health are staggering under the
burden of the disease. These sectors lose trained professionals and have to contend with higher costs of production and delivery of services.

In Kenya, the Sessional Paper No.4 of 1997 on AIDS lays down the contemporary long-term framework for response to the pandemic. After declaring AIDS a national disaster in 1999, the government established the National AIDS Control Council (NACC) to guide implementation of the National HIVIAIDS Strategic
Plan 2000-2005, within the framework of the multi-sectoral approach. But despite these efforts, successes have been far too few and on too small a scale to reverse the pandemic. This study looked into the priorities and allocation of resources among alternative HIV-related interventions within the framework of the AIDS strategic plan. It also examined the link between the national HIV/AIDS Programme, the macroeconomic framework and the participatory role played by various actors in HIVIAIDS-related activities. Finally, the study
assessed the impacts of alternative patterns of resource allocation with regard to reduction of HIV prevalence, programme coverage and future expenditures averted.

The study entailed the use of both qualitative and quantitative analysis. HIV related demographic, behavioral and financial data, gathered by the National AIDS Control Council during the year 2002 was heavily used. In particular, we used the GOALS simulation model to assess the consequences and trade-offs
of HIVIAIDS resource allocation options. The study also investigated the policies, planning and budgetary commitments to HIV/AIDS-related priorities using secondary data sources, complemented with primary data collected mainly through in-depth interviews with key informants based in Nairobi.

The study established that the costing of the multi-sectoral HIVIAIDS strategic plan lies outside the center of the national budget allocation decisions and the Mid Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), despite the existence of a strong institutional framework and enabling policy environment. Further, our analysis showed that given available resources, there is great potential to improve the national response to HIV/AIDS by increasing expenditures on preventive measures and treatment and care services as opposed to policy development and management in the coming years. The study therefore strongly recommends,
among others, the need to fully integrate the HIV/AIDS strategic plan into the national framework of the poverty reduction and economic recovery strategies in order to achieve a more comprehensive and effective response to the pandemic. An effective way of mainstreaming HIV/AIDS and supporting an
effective multi-sectoral response to illY/AIDS will be through ensuring that HIV/AIDS is adequately addressed as part of the poverty reduction agenda and economic recovery strategies, the objective being to get HIV/AIDS routinely mainstreamed into government planning, programming and budgeting processes
(ERS and MTEF). This will ultimately result in HIV/AIDS being mainstreamed into sector strategies.

This paper discusses the issue of private tuition mainly at primary educational
level within various contexts, including governance. The paper notes that even
though the practice ofprivate tuition has been in existence for quite some time,
very little, if any, research has been undertaken to explain its nature, extent and
implications for the education system. Besides, nothing is known about its overall
socio-economic setups at the international as well as the national levels.
Technically, private tuition is not allowed in Kenya. However, there is ample
evidence to show that the practice is taking place on a very large scale. The
most affected is the mainstream system, with some of its teachers engaging in
the practice. The emphasis on examination as a basis for staff recruitment and
promotion has further aggravated this problem. Indeed, even some Ministry of
Education, Science and Technology (MoES&T) officials - who are supposed to
articulate Government Policy on Education - take their children to private tuition
classes. This is because they too, have to equally compete for the limited places
at higher levels oflearning and this can only be achieved through good performance
in National Examinations. This paper focuses on the genesis of private
tuition and schooling in comparison to public education, as well as the factors
that sustain the behind-the-scenes private tuition system, leading to consumers
of education (pupils and parents) demanding for private tuition services, and
those that lead to producers (tutors, including teachers and other entrepreneurs)
producing and supplying the commodity - private tuition.
This study was limited to a desk review ofpertinent literature and selected key
informant interviews. The study's key findings indicate that socio-economic inequalities
continue to be pervasively manifest in the practice ofprivate tuition;
quality service is not guaranteed as long as private tuition continues to get no
official recognition; and while private tuition constitutes a serious financial burden
to the low income households, strong support for it comes from both parents
and students.
The study recommends urgent recognition ofthe integral role played by private
tuition in the management and delivery ofeducation services, hence strong evidence
that banning private tuition is unlikely to achieve the intended levels of
compliance, especially on the part ofthe producers and consumers. Such recognition
should therefore pave way for stakeholder dialogue between parents and
education managers, while incorporating the expertise and views of education
scholars, to improve equity in education financing without compromising quality.
It is further recommended that a study of a larger primary data-based scale be
carried out to facilitate an authoritative authentication of the findings, and, in
effect, be used to guide the way forward in terms of formulating an effective
policy on private tuition and related planning and implementation issues.

Men are expected to be physically strong, robust, and daring, the world over.
Some of these expectations translate into attitudes and behaviours that become
unhelpful or lethal with the advent of AIDS. Others, to the contrary, represent
valuable potential that could be gainfully tapped by AIDS programmes for
enhanced effectiveness. Extra challenges for HIV prevention therefore arise
from societal expectations that allow men to take risks; have frequent sexual
intercourse (often with more than one partner) and exercise authority over
women. These expectations among others encourage men to force sex on
unwilling female partners and to reject condom use among other risky behaviours
regarding HIVIAIDS infection and prevention. Changing the commonly held
attitudes and behaviours should be part and parcel of the efforts to curb the
AIDS pandemic. On the other hand, due to their lack of social and economic
power, many women and girls are unable to negotiate relationships based on
abstinence, faithfulness and use of condoms. This paper points out these
inequalities and offers policy options that could reduce vulnerability of both men
and women to HIV/AIDS.
The data used in this presentation was obtained largely through desk review,
with limited primary data collected to supplement the secondary sources. The
study confirms the continuous spread of HIV/AIDS despite the government's
efforts to combat the pandemic and attributes the trends of prevalence and
infection to, among others: increase in cases of violence against women; negative
attitudes and socio-cultural practices; and power imbalances between men and
women. The study recommends: transformation of gender roles through gender
mainstrearning; policy shift primarily targeting men as the dominant sex in sexual
relations; law on prostitution to be enforced; those found guilty of crimes of
sexual violence to face very stiff penalties; laws should be enacted to facilitate
women's ownership ofland and other property; generate comprehensive gender
disaggregated data to help design better policies for addressing the gender gap.

The Abuja Declaration, adopted at the Africa Union special summit on AIDS in 2001, called upon African governments to allocate 15% of their national budgets to health spending, with more emphasis on HIV/AIDS programmes. This commitment echoes the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on HIV/AIDS
(UNGASS), which calls for an increase in spending on HIV/AIDS programmes to US$ 7-10 billion by 2005. The declaration of commitment by the Africa Union calls for minimum spending that provides coverage of essential prevention, care, and mitigation services in an effort to reduce the spread of the epidemic. In Kenya,
despite the government's commitment to fight the pandemic, very little information is available on the actual expenditures on HIV/IDS activities. The objective of this study was to track HIV/AIDS expenditure and analyse the budget from an HIV/AIDS perspective. Understanding how the financial and other national resources
are used towards realization of the national objectives as outlined in the HIV/AIDS related strategic goals in each country, will help the planners to choose pertinent, useful and attainable interventions.

Since the first case was reported in Kenya in 1984, HIV/AIDS has been rising
steadily, with the increase being widespread between and within the ages 15-49.
Given that the population in this age bracket forms the key reproductive and
vital manpower, HIV/AIDS has therefore had serious consequences for various
sectors ofthe economy, including education. Evidence shows that the pandemic
is affecting the supply, demand and quality ofeducation, and its capacity
to respond to new and complex demands. Existing literature indicates that research
specifically addressing the actual and likely impacts of the HIV/AIDS
pandemic on primary education is largely undocumented. This creates, a need
for further understanding to faci:litate formulation ofappropriate interventions to
effectively mitigate the impact of HIV/AIDS on the demand and supply of primary
education in Kenya. The purpose ofthis study, therefore, is to provide data
that will contribute to critical needs in development of pertinent basic planning
tools for education and policy managers within the government, particularly focusing
on the impact of HIV/AIDS on demand, supply and quality of educational
services in primary schools.
The study entails a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the impact ofHIV/
AIDS on primary education, based mainly on secondary data sources and key
informant interviews with officers from the Ministry ofEducation, Science and
Technology, Ministry ofPlanning and National Development, Central Bureau of
Statistics, Teachers Service Commission, and National AIDS Control Programme.
Among the key findings is the glaring contrast of the status of education between
Kenya without HIVIAIDS and Kenya with HIVIAIDS. The study shows
that under Kenya without AIDS, the number of school age children would increase
to 9.27 million by 2015, as contrasted to 7.9 million under Kenya with
AIDS projections in the same period. Under Kenya without AIDS, the required
number of primary school teachers would be 266,052 in 2010 as opposed to
229,412 teachers under Kenya with AIDS. Overall teacher deaths increased
from 1,216 in 1997 to 2,133 in 2001, while teacher mortality, among primary
school teachers, rose from 191 in 1997 to 336 in 2001.
The study recommends that: (i) MoES&T should consider posting teachers to
districts most affected by HIV/AIDS and give priority for admission into teacher
training colleges and other incentives to candidates from the affected districts;
(ii) MoES&T should ensure that all teachers have access to adequate knowledge
ofthe aetiology ofHIV/AIDS and wherever possible, the infected teachers
have access to anti-retroviral therapy; (iii) MoES&T should ensure that the potential consequences of HIVIAIDS are factored into the education plan as
accurately as possible; (iv) Government should develop effective strategies to
promote primary school enrolment for the needy children among those affected
by HIVIAIDS; (v) Government should work out effective strategies to improve
enrolment for orphans; (vi) Government should facilitate sustained enrolment of
children, especially girls, and ensure that they complete schooling beyond the
primary level; (vii) MoES&T should institutionalise an effective data collection
and reporting system on teacher absenteeism and morbidity, with a view to
disaggregating the teacher work and deaths statistics by cause, gender, age, and
regional backgrounds.

The health sector reforms that have hitherto taken place (including introduction of National Health Insurance Fund, free health services, cost-sharing, exemptions and waivers, etc) have all aimed largely at addressing affordability and access to health care services. Spending to promote access to health care is crucial, given also that Kenya is a signatory to the WHO Abuja Declaration. The latter requires member countries to spend at least 15 per cent of their national incomes (GDP) on health (Kenya spends 9 per cent). Many Kenyans therefore continue to have no access to or cannot afford to pay for their health care needs. It is due to the failures of the past programs, that the National Social Health Insurance Fund (NSHIF) was conceptualized for implementation, with a view to enabling more effective provision of health cover to all Kenyans, at both in- and out-patient service levels. In contrast to the private/commercial health insurance plans where premiums are actuary based (higher risk individuals pay more for their medical cover), a social health plan s contributions are based on members ability to pay but access to services depends on individuals health care needs, hence a socialized concept, with emphasis on community spirit of solidarity.

Health is a basic need for all, regardless of race, nationality, social class, age,
sex, etc. In Kenya, just like in many other developing countries, the health
situation has been deteriorating in spite of the government having since
independence directed her efforts tow;rrds tackling the twin problems of
affordability and access to health care services. Beyond this, the policy position
is also clear on the need to address equity and sustainability of quality health
care delivery. The health sector reforms that have hitherto taken place (including
introduction ofNHIF, free health services, cost-sharing, exemptions and waivers,
etc.) are all largely aimed at addressing affordability and access to health care
services, especially among the poor. The latter often find themselves in poverty
traps that deny them access to social services, consequent upon which they
benefit least from health, education, food security, knowledge and information
services and other basic human rights components.
This negates the policy endeavors relating to promoting poverty reduction through
economic growth, access to minimum quality health care by removing barriers
arising from social differentiation and concomitant stratification on basis of
gender, social class, knowledge and limited or even zero participation of the
underprivileged in prioritization and provision ofthe national service infrastructure.
Past policy priorities and measures have not been effective in addressing these
concerns, which relate positively to health care access potential for all. Spending
to promote access to health care is crucial, given also that Kenya is a signatory
to the WHO Abuja Declaration (25th April 2000). The latter requires member
countries to spend at least 15 per cent of their national incomes (aDP) on
health (Kenya spends 9 per cent).
The high cost of health care limits access to the services for many Kenyans,
given that 56 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line (on less
than one dollar a day) among whom 30 per cent live in absolute poverty. The
Second Report on Poverty in Kenya reveals that 40 per cent of the poor did not
seek medical care when they fell sick, mainly due to inability to meet the cost of
medical care, while 2.5 per cent were constrained by distance to a health facility.
Unaffordability, therefore, remains a key challenge facing the poor against
access to health care. Many Kenyans therefore continue to either have no
access to or cannot afford to pay for their health care needs. It is due to the
failures of the past programs, that the National Social Health Insurance Fund
(NSHIF) was conceptualized for implementation, with a view to providing a

The Abuja Declaration, adopted at the Africa Union special summit on AIDS in
2001, called upon African governments to allocate 15% of their national budgets to
health spending, with more emphasis on HIV/AIDS programmes. This commitment
echoes the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on illVIAIDS
(UNGASS), which calls for an increase in spending on HIVIAIDS programmes to
US$ 7-10 billion by 2005. The declaration of commitment by the Africa Union calls
for minimum spending that provides coverage of essential prevention, care, and
mitigation services in an effort to reduce the spread of the epidemic. In Kenya,
despite the government's commitment to fight the pandemic, very little information
is available on the actual expenditures on HIV/AIDS activities. The objective
of this study was to track HIV/AIDS expenditure and analyse the budget from an
HIV/AIDS perspective. Understanding how the financial and other national resources
are used towards realization of the national objectives as outlined in the
HIV/AIDS related strategic goals in each country, will help the planners to choose
pertinent, useful and attainable interventions.

No Abstract!

No Abstract!

This issue of Regional Development Dialogue (RDD) focuses on the theme: "Reflecting
on 'Human Security Now'" and is divided into two sections, focusing on Asia and Africa.
The African section looks at selected parts ofthe African continent, incorporating elements
of competition for scarce resources and attendant procurement and utilization strategies.
Application of the strategies in question, once institutionalized, often contradicts the
conventionally and culturally palatable social exchange norms, with consequences that
have turned out to be inimical to the peaceful co-existence of members of societies and
communities in different regions in Africa and among different socioeconomic categories,
especially where there are differences in race, ethnicity, religion, culture, and modes of
livelihoods at different levels of social change in different parts and within the cultural and
economic diversities that characterize many African social contexts. Cases of internally
displaced persons (IDPs), refugees, starving and relatively deprived citizens in every sense
of the word, thus abound in different regional settings in Africa. Associated impacts and
consequences of such structural imbalances have mainly been expressed through conflict,
hence the common outcomes of prolonged human insecurity in its various forms, loss of
lives, abject poverty, and other forms of perpetuated human rights abuses. It is in the light
of these observations that this introduction critically introduces the constituent articles in
this section of the journal.
A key editorial note should bear reference to the comments attending each article, i.e.,
critical remarks made by various scholars, regarding the content, relevance, and application
of the issues raised in the Africa section of this RDD. These comment are themselves part
and parcel of the dialogue, and as such, constitute a series of motivating invitations to the
reader, in effect, serving as useful supplements to the subject matter presented in the
referent articles. The comments include those by Ludeki Chweya, on the article "Poverty
and Human Security in Kenya" and also on "Displacement, Minorities, and Human
Security: The African Experience". The article on "Poverty and Human Security in
Kenya" has also received comments from Asfaw Kumssa. Other commentaries are made
by Charles B. K. Nzioka on "Banditry and Conflict in the Kapotur Triangle: An Alternative
Menu for Resolution"; and by Pius Mutuku Mutie on "Food Insecurity in Sierra Leone:
Overcoming the Challenges in Post-Conflict Reconstruction".
The first article, "Displacement, Minorities, and Human Security: The African
Experience" is by Adam Hussein Adam and fits well into the theme of this issue reflecting
the critical thinking of a renowned scholar and reformist thinker and crusader for minority rights, articulating his views with regard to practice and processes that support
antidiscrimination. The position taken represents a richly textured examination of the
origin and nature of displacement within the context of human security in Africa. The
author's major contention is that displacement is an attribute oftwo major related positions,
namely power and vulnerability. It is argued that the need to survive has always triggered
displacement while advancement in technology has facilitated the process. Tracing the
phenomenon of displacement in Africa from the time when Aboriginal people first entered
Eastern Africa about 10,000 years ago through Arabia and Persia up to the present day
globalization era, Hussein observes that major migrations that resulted in displacement
stemmed from people's vulnerability and need to survive. He uses the examples of the
migrations of the Ngoni people northwards, the southwards migration of the Nilotic
communities from present-day Sudan to Eastern Africa and those of the Bantu speaking
people from today's Central Africa to South, East, and Western Africa to illustrate how
these newcomers displaced the Aboriginal communities they found along the way. During
such interactions, some newcomers co-existed in good symbiosis, especially in the case of
pastoralists and the hunters, while others were assimilated altogether. The author also notes
that displacement takes place on two planes: evolutionary and induced processes (using
force). The article focuses on a discussion of the constituent process which has two aspects,
one being intranational and national in character and the other being international. The two
types of displaced produce refugees and lOPs.
Within this context, the article notes that, as with reasons for displacement, the results
of displaced persons are disastrous, with long-term social and psychological implications.
It has been succinctly pointed out that politics influences society, the economy, security,
development, and every other imperative for human survival including the processes that
precede the status of displacement. At this juncture, the challenging question is, if
displacement today is highly politics-driven, who then benefits from the displacement?
Displacement is seen to affect the collective and individual survival of the majority of
people not only by threatening their lives but also the livelihoods of those affected, spilling
over into kinship and the friends of friends networks, and beyond formal and informal
institutional and structural destructiveness.
Displacement is presented as a resource-driven phenomenon, while it is clearly
domination-oriented. As such, and while displacement remains resource-based and uses
technological advancement (guns) to enhance effectiveness and timeliness in results
production, the political forces are to a large extent known to playa much greater role in
the process. To authenticate the impacts of displacement, the author employs diverse
examples to demonstrate the infectious nature ofdisplacement as it affects large populations,
while benefiting only a small number of politicians and power wielders. Sadly, the
prevailing trend is such that political expediency takes precedence over security and
protection of people's lives and property.
The dominant message of the article is that there is need to forestall both sporadic
violence and also the planned acts of violence designed to displace people without options
on how to protect human lives. Part of these acts must be to ensure that ifthe displacement
is planned then the affected people should be fully involved in decision making. Where
displacement is sporadic, it is the duty of the state to prevent its victims from being exposed
to conflict. As a way forward, institutionalization of appropriate means of empowering communities to strengthen their problem-solving capacities, dialogue and adequate consultation,
rapport-creation between people and the state, involvement of the people in conflict
resolution, and enhancement of the facilitation capacity by the state in community conflict
mediation are all recommended.
The presentation makes a compelling argument for the reconstruction of politics and
the development agendas ofhope in order to counter the disillusionment and pessimism that
have been associated with change processes resulting in displacement in recent years. The
article is an excellent discussion on different aspects of displacement in the context of
human security and makes useful reading for all development scholars and practitioners.
The second article, "Banditry and Conflict in the Kapotur Triangle: An Alternative
Menu for Resolution" by Katumanga Musambayi, is a comprehensive narrative of the state
of banditry and conflict in the Karamoja, Pokot, and Turkana (KAPOTUR) triangle, in the
border areas between northeastern Uganda and northwestern Kenya in Eastern Africa. In
effect, the presentation constitutes a far-reaching intellectual discourse, an articulate
analysis of the nature, causes, and consequences of banditry and, at the end, proposes an
alternative menu for conflict resolution. The article argues that conflict in the Kapotur
region is as a result of the dysfunctionality of the state at the international level and the
collapse at the regional level. The contention is that the underlying dysfunctionality of the
state has to do with such factors as the nature and inability of the state to respond to the
challenges of frontier citizenship, regional state collapse, and elite instrumentalization of
violence. It is written against the background of people whose lifestyles have over time
been informed by harsh weather patterns, and the people themselves are neglected and
marginalized with regard to the benefits associated with basic infrastructural development.
As to coping mechanisms, in times when weather patterns affect their livestock, the people
are compelled to resort to social predation on their neighbours, in a bid to replenish their
stocks, as a result of little or no serious attempts being made to integrate the region in the
overall development within the wider Eastern Africa.
The crises dealt with in this article are seen to date back to, and indeed lie squarely
attributed to, the state's failed post-independence strategies towards national development.
The Government of Kenya, like that in most African states, has been unable to demonstrate
its own de facto sovereignty, instead concentrating on de jure sovereignty status. The de
facto status is connected with the state's capacity to function in the domestic realm, while
the de jure sovereignty has more to do with the state's ability to command recognition in
an international setting and within partnerships. This presupposes a capacity to monopolize
violence on its territory to the extent of enhancing its law within clearly demarcated
boundaries and an identified and controllable population. The key underlying shortcoming
shared by both Kenya and Uganda is that the two gained independence at a time when they
had limited institutional and infrastructural resource capacities to effectively control their
mutual border.
Against this background, and unable to exercise sovereignty in the Kapotur region, or
indeed guarantee security, the respective governments of Kenya and Uganda opted to
disproportionately arm and organize some members of these hostile communities into what
would be seen, and later came to be known, as "local defence units". Consequently, lack
of proper leadership and monitoring mechanisms, for example, on the part of the Kenyan
Government, allowed some of the armed groups in these communities to drift into banditry.

On attainment of political independence in 1963, the Government of Kenya (GoK), households and the private sector collectively endeavoured to enhance the development of education in the country. The rapid development of education and training in Kenya was an aftermath of the Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 on African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya, which emphasized combating ignorance, disease and poverty. It was based on two long-standing concerns that: (i) every Kenyan child, irrespective of gender, religion and ethnicity, has the inalienable right to access basic welfare provision, including education; and (ii) the GoK has an obligation to provide opportunity to all citizens to fully participate in socio-economic and political development of the country and also to empower the people to improve their welfare. Development of education since independence has been marked by various changes and challenges. For nearly four decades therefore, the sector has undergone several reviews by special commissions and working parties appointed by the government, with the aim of improving efficiency and effectiveness of the education provision.

The Republic of Kenya, through the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology
(MoES&T) has, since independence in 1963, been committed to providing
quality and relevant education to its citizens at all levels. With increasing
population, adverse macroeconomic performance, and increasing cost of education
against increasing demand, the government introduced cost-sharing in
education at all levels. As such, payment of fees by those pursuing degree programmes
was introduced as part of the efforts by government to transfer the
cost of financing university education to the beneficiaries. To cushion the income-
poor against adverse financial difficulties, and to ensure that no eligible
students dropped out ofuniversity due to inability to finance their education, the
loan and bursary schemes were introduced to benefit all university students who
could not fully finance their education. In essence, the government established
the Higher Education Loans Board (HELB) in July 1995 to improve both loans'
disbursement and recovery.
The financial arrangements and processes in question have given rise to a number
ofkey questions and issues, including the need for efficiency in the management
of the scheme; extent to which the loan and bursary schemes effectively cushion
the vulnerable against dropping out ofuniversity; eligibility criteria; alternative
sources of financing university education; other factors against participation;
pertinent information handling; quality of governance in the disbursement
of loans; loan recovery and loan beneficiary tracer efforts; commitment to loan
repaying on the part ofthe beneficiaries; legal empowerment to enable the board
to deliver on its mandates through legislative status with regard to both loan
recovery and alternative sourcing of funds to supplement its regular budgetary
allocations; nature and levels ofnetworking with employers ofuniversity graduates
and other institutions; quality ofinformation content in loan application forms
to control cheating; parallel bursary schemes managed by HELB and MoES&T,
and equity issues as some needy students fail to benefit while some less needy
do benefit; nature and levels of funding co-ordination between HELB and other
bursary/scholarship/grant awarding and sponsor organizations. Other important
issues concern the high default rates, low visibility of HELB's activities, and
underdeveloped loans repayment monitoring structures.
Recommendations include revitalizing HELB into a revolving fund with minimal
budgetary allocation; strengthening and reforming attendant administrative and
efficiency monitoring structures where these exist, and creation of the same
where they do not exist.

Having accepted the rationality of cost-sharing, the Ministry of Education, Science
and Technology (MoES&T) bursary scheme was introduced as one of the
safety-nets to cushion the poor and the vulnerable groups against the consequent
adverse effects. The bursary scheme, however, remains inefficient and
ineffective. Other characteristics that contribute to bottlenecks in its implementation
at the secondary school education level include limited access and participation
due to poor quality of service, bad governance and management weaknesses.
It is, therefore, arguable that against the background of more than half
of Kenya's population living below the poverty line, and the rising cost of education,
majority of households, especially among the poor and vulnerable groups,
are unable to invest in the development it of quality secondary education.
The objectives of this study included documentation of the patterns and trends in
financing secondary education in the public sector in Kenya; analysis of implementation
of the bursary scheme at the secondary school level in Kenya, with
special focus on disbursement procedures, equity considerations according to
socio-economic groups; and the overall impact on access to secondary school
education with regard to the income-poor and other vulnerable groups.
The study adopted an exploratory approach using a descriptive design. Four
provinces were randomly sampled and one district purposively selected from
each province. Three target populations considered were MoES&T staff; school-based
education staff and opinion leaders. Questionnaires, semi-structured interview
schedules, and focus group discussions were used in data gathering.
Data analysis was carried out using SPSS.
Study results indicated that the patterns and trends of education financing in
Kenya incorporated a partnership between the state, households, and communities
long before the introduction of the cost-sharing policy. The financing of
secondary education has, however, become problematic, ~s parents have to
,houlder an increasingly large proportion of the cost.
The government's financing of secondary education has largely been directed
towards Tecurrent expenditure, mainly to meet teachers' salaries and allowances,
at the expense of development expenditures, which would be essential to
provide and improve the physical and instructional facilities. This has resulted in
poot quality education as O1ost schools are inadequately provided with basic
learning resources.
.Tbe cost-sharing strategy has hada negative impact on the poor and vulnerable
households. The latter either do not enroll their children in secondary schools, or
fail to sustain a continuous participation of those enrolled due to inability to meet
cost requirements. This results in inadequate provision of learning facilities to
the enrolled, poor quality education, and high dropout rates.
The operatrion of the MoES&T bursary scheme is handicapped by inadequate
guidelines with regard to the amounts to be allocated per student; poor criteria
for selection of genuinely needy; inadequate awareness creation about the
scheme's existence and operations; limited funds hence limited coverage; poor
co-ordination and delays in funds' disbursement; and lack of monitoring mechanisms
by the MoES&T at the school and higher levels. This has resulted in lack
of transparency and accountability, nepotism, among other aspects of mismanagement.
A critical issue that requires redress is awarding of the bursaries to
less deserving, and sometimes completely undeserving, but well-connected applicants,
at the expense of the poor and vulnerable groups.
Policy options - the MoES&T should:
• Either abolish fee levies charged to parents or ensure foolproof enforcement
ofthe fee guidelines in order to eradicate loopholes in financial management
practices in schools.
• Consider increasing the current bursary funding from Ksh. 210 million
to Ksh. 1.5 billion. This will enable be~eficiariesto meaningfully meet at least
60% oftheir outstanding fees.
• Put in place clear guidance regarding eligibility and the socio-economic
categories to benefit from the bursary scheme; the amount to be allocated per
student; and a monitoring mechanism to ensure transparency and accountability
in the disbursement ofthe bursary funds. .
• In consultation with other stakeholders in the secondary education subsector,
work out ways to allow individual schools to evolve a 'fees waiver mechanism'
and income generating activities at the school level to raise funds for
various purposes to benefit learning resources, quality improvement, school
projects, and, where possible, supplement student fees requirements. .

Education is fundamental to development of human resource capacities for sustainable
economic growth and development. By imparting new skills and knowledge in people,
education expands human capabilities, increases labour productivity and enhances essential
participation and partnerships in nation building. Education is a vital tool in achieving greater
autonomy, empowerment of women and men and addressing gender gaps in the distribution
of opportunities and resources (Muganda, 2002; Muthaka & Mwangi, 2002). More equitable
distribution of opportunities and resources between men and women leads more directly to
higher economic growth and productivity (World Development Report, 2000/2001).
Debate on gender equity in education presently revolves around two universally accepted
declarations or goals, one of them being the Universal Primary Education (UPE)by 2015,
later refocused as Education for All (EFA), as articulated in Jomtien, Thailand, iii 1990 and
reaffirmed at the Dakar (Senegal) World Education Forum in April 2000. Secondly, in
September 2000, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Millennium Declaration
to achieve universal completion of primary schooling and achieve equity in access to primary
and secondary schooling by 2005 and at all levels by 2015.
In a number of countries, efforts have been intensified to bridge the gender education gap.
But achievement of this goal in many parts of the world, and Africa in particular, has been
rather slow. For instance, in 1996 in Amman, Jordan, girls' education was reported to have
made an 'excruciatingly slow" progress, especially in Africa. A follow up EFA assessment in
2000 revealed that in many cases little or no success had been achieved in narrowing the
gender gap in education.
Kenya, since independence, has recognized education as a key sector in the country's socioeconomic
and cultural development. As such, quality education provision and training at all
levels has remained a central policy issue, hence various commissions set up to address the
country's education and training needs. The commissions include the Ominde Commission
(1964); Gachathi Commission (1976); the Presidential Working Party on the Establishment
of the Second Public University (1981), Koech Commission (1999) (FAWE, 2002) and the
recent implementation of free and compulsory primary education policy for all school-going
age children. The Kenya government (GoK) is also signatory to various international and
regional conventions advocating for equity in education.
In Kenya, poor access to education and gender imbalances are largely blamed on prevailing
poverty, poor national economic performance, HIV1AIDS and environmental degradation,
especially in ASALs. Other issues defining the macro context of education in Kenya include
negative attitudes towards schooling, amidst dwindling opportunities, thus de-motivating
parents against sending their children to school; numerous other challenges as indicated by
reduced gross enrolment ratios, high dropout, low completion and transition rates, as well as
regional and gender disparities; in addition to the questions regarding both quality and
relevance.
In addressing the foregoing problems, Kenya has developed several policies including poverty
reduction papers, National Education Master Plan (1997 - 2010). Recently, the country has
embarked on developing provincial EFA plans, for incorporation in Kenya's national EFA plan.
Beyond the policies, there have been efforts related to service provision, including bursaries,
text books, school feeding program, provision of desks and learning aids, teacher training,
campaigns for girls' education, among others.
This paper discusses the status, interpretation and opportunities for gender equity in the
Kenyan educational system, starting with background information at international and
national levels; then conceptual considerations; gender representation at various levels;
opportunities and roles of various stakeholders; some of the constraints and challenges
facing the attainment of gender parity; conclusions and way forward.

Kenya attained its independence in 1963 after six decades of British colonial rule. The
colonial legacy has been instrumental in shaping the policy regime in the country, in
addition to influencing sectoral operations and reforms. The latter affect the various ways
in which citizens have been able to access vital services, opportunities, and choices.
Soon after independence, the country's new administration under the late President
lomo Kenyatta articulated its commitment to fighting the three enemies of development,
viz., ignorance, illiteracy, and disease. Poverty and human security were, therefore, at the
top of the agenda of the new post-colonial government. Successive development policies
and initiatives indicate that this commitment, at least at the level of blueprints, has more or
less remained the same, with perhaps some adjustments with regard to specific planning
targets and the strategies used.
Poverty in Kenya has been analysed and variously understood by its many proponents.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD),!' for example,
presents poverty in its various dimensions, encompassing deprivations that relate to human
capabilities including consumption and food security, health, education, human rights,
speech, security, dignity, and decent work, noting that poverty should be reduced in the
context of environmental sustainability and reduced gender inequality. The latter is seen
as integral to all dimensions of poverty. Accordingly, the OECD places emphasis on sound
government policies coherently applied to development, focusing on key policy areas with
strong poverty reduction impacts. The areas in question are seen to include debt relief,
trade, investment, agriculture, environment, migration, health research, security, and arms
sales.Y Although there is no agreement on what poverty means, it is widely accepted that
the poverty incidence for Kenya increased from 44.8 per cent in 1992 to 45.0 per cent in
1994 and to 52.3 in 1997:3/ The poor have been unable to access such services as basic
education and health - both critical aspects of human security.
The relationship between poverty and human security has been articulated in the
Global Human Development Report of 1994. As a way of protecting human beings from
abuse of their freedoms, human security has become a crucial component in explaining and
analysing different aspects of vulnerabilities and other dimensions of poverty across time
and space. It is argued that people without socioeconomic and politico-civil freedoms
cannot access the requisite opportunities and choices enabling them to escape the poverty

Identification and Location. The Embu people occupy the
Embu District, one of the twelve districts of the Eastern Province
of Kenya. The Embu District is bordered by the Mbeere
District to the east and southeast, the Kirinyaga District to
the west, and the Tharaka Nithi District to the north. The
main physical feature is Mount Kenya to the north and
northwest, 17,058 feet (5,200 meters) above sea level.
The district is located between 0°8" to 0°35" Sand 37°
19" to 37° 42" E, covering an area of 281 square miles (729
square kilometers). The landscape is characterized by highlands
ranging in altitude from 4,920 to 14,760 feet (1,500 to
4,500 meters) and midlands lying at 3,936 to 4,920 feet
(1,200 to 1,500 meters). Other topographical features include
rivers, hills, and valleys. The rainfall pattern is bimodal,
with long rains between March and June and short rains from
October through December.
Demography. In 1918 the Embu population was 53,000
(24,590 males and 28,410 females), increasing to 85,177 by
1962. The population increased constantly, reaching
278,196 in 1999, with a reported annual growth rate 00 percent.
In 1999 there were 63,893 households with 136,499
males and 141,697 females. The annual growth rate had decreased
from 3.86 percent from 1969 to 1979 to 3.41 percent
from 1979 to 1989, with increases in population density attributed
to high fertility and falling mortality rates. The infant
mortality rate decreased from 169 in 1962, to 92 in 1969, to
44 in 1999.
With a crude birth rate of 40.4, the fertility rate remains
high despite having declined from 7.78 in 1969 to 5.9 in
1999. The crude death rate stands at 6.4, with a life expectancy
of 69.7 years for males and 69.4 years for females. According
to the 1999 census, about 38 percent of the people
are children less than 15 years old, while people at the economically
productive ages (fifteen to sixty-four) account for
57 percent. People age 65 years and over account for 4 percent.
Serious outmigration has been reported.
Linguistic Affiliation. The Embu people speak the Kiembu
language, a Bantu language that is part of the larger
Niger-Congo family of languages. The Bantu linguistic cluster
includes languages such as Kiswahili, Kikuyu, Ki-meru,
Ki-mbeere, Ekegusii, and coastal languages. Although Kiembu
and Ki-mbeere are dialects of the same language, the
Ki-embu vocabulary borrows considerably from related
Bantu languages, many of which are mutually intelligible, especially
among the people of central and eastern Kenya.

In this preparatory phase of the establishment and regularization process regarding the
UNESCO Chair on "Women, basic education, community health and sustainable
development" to be housed in the Department of Sociology, it was deemed necessary to
hold a multi-disciplinary Strategic Planning Workshop to deliberate on the modalities of
expediency in the management of the Chair. These brief notes are a response to this need,
tailored specifically to addressing the theme 'Women, Culture and Education ", as an
integral component of the basic issues around which the activities of the Chair would
revolve and· evolve. This paper examines in broad outline, the role of culture and
education against the opportunities and involvement of women in health-seeking
behaviour and community health promotion within an overall context of sustainable
development.

This paper is an anthropological presentation of the social structure, inequalities, kinship and gender dynamics incorporating the contextualisation of the five pattern variables as envisaged by Talcott Parsons. The background focuses generally on the African social exchange and property ownership relations. Attempts are made to establish a gendered relationship in which women are constantly on the receiving end, hence their predominance at the bottom of social ladder positions. In all cases, the application of the rules on the ground is seen to be dominated by cultural ethnocentrism. Particularistic considerations, or affectiveness, are lacking in the more universalistic, merit oriented and objective determinants, while the affective-neutrality criteria are essentially lacking in the mainstream African kinship ethos.

Development planners in both the public and private sectors, especially those
interested in urban planning and development have now established a
consensus that different social structural processes could constitute both
driving shafts to stimulate urban development on the one hand, and also devastating
bottlenecks on the other. Peace and security are integral ingredients in establishing
an environment that is conducive to successful efforts in development project planning
and implementation. In this context, crime and street families are also viewed as
critical social structural features that require informed understanding, in order to
enhance security in Nairobi and its environs. This, in effect, contributes to creation
of a user-friendly information base for reference by urban-based development
stakeholders.
The stu.dy on which this paper is based, focused mainly on crir.e and street families
in the Eastlands area of Nairobi City, and in particular, the socio-demographic aspects
relating to crime. Beyond personal characteristics, efforts were made to establish the
residents' perception of crime, as well as causes of crime, characteristics of criminals,
commonest victims of crime, tolerance and management of crime. Other key variables
included the role and social credibility of those involved in controlling crime, and
other socio-economic activities undertaken by people on the streets.

No Abstract!

Street Children in Kenya provides an in-depth examination of the experiences of street children in Nairobi, Kenya. Drawing from participant observations, individual and focus group interviews, the authors, Kilbride, Suda, and Njeru allow readers to confront the harsh realities, suffering, and survival skills of nearly 400 of the over 40,000 homeless children in Nairobi. These children are part of the over 110,000 children described by UNICEF as "in need of special protection" (GOK/UNICEF, 1998). Reflecting the anthropological and sociological backgrounds of the scholars, the book's initial chapters introduce the methodology and background for the study, including a description of the study's setting, Nairobi, and relevant information on the communities studied. The text also provides information on social and cultural issues affecting families (e.g., the weakening of family structures due to poverty, the impact of AIDS, and government sanctioned ethnic conflicts), which have contributed to the rapid rise in the number of children living and working on the street. Even though only one chapter is solely devoted to the narratives of the children, most chapters are infused with humanizing accounts and perspectives on the children's lives. A unique contribution of the study is its methodology, which involved giving older street children cameras to document their daily life, thus greatly personalizing the book, since the children were allowed to tell their own stories. A more traditional scholarly analysis is presented in the final chapter, which addresses policy implications, particularly with regards to long-term, culturally framed solutions to this complex and growing problem.

This document is a benchmark survey report ofthe DFID-BASE funded project~
that focus on MSEs in Kenya. DIFD-BASE has been supporting financial ane
business development services projects inKenya as well as the deregulation uni
ofthe Ministry ofPlanning and National Development (MPND). Our focus is or
the Business Development Services-Information Based Projects, whose focus i~
on training, counselling, information documentation and dissemination, sigr
posting and linkages, and marketing and financial management services.
The survey, on which this report is based, was undertaken between late 1997 am
early 1998 following an understanding betweenDFID-BASE and IDS-Universi~
ofNairobi's REME Project. The purpose of the survey was to compile profile:
ofthe recipient projects as well as those of their beneficiaries. This data woule
be useful in future for assessing the impact ofthe projects in question in relatior
to the overall goal ofDFID support to the MSE sector in Kenya, i.e. increasin!
income and employment for rural households through supporting off-fam
activities, especially among women.
Interview guides, questionnaires, observations and checklists were used to collec
the relevant data. Descriptive statistics such as frequencies and percentage:
were used to analyse and interpret the data collected.
It was found that information based interventions were being implemented b;
differing organisations, some of which had well established structures an<
systems, while others were still nascent. The foci ofthese organisations lay in thl
area of BDS for MSE sector and they were at! quite selective in the socio
demographic, economic and entrepreneurial features oftheir target. The gende
balancing principle appears to be a significant driving force behind project desigr
and implementation. This was in recognition of the DFID-BASE emphasis 01
poverty alleviation, especially among women.
Generally, the organisations/projects studied targeted both individuals and
institutions. The targeted beneficiaries were mainly middle-aged, fairly educated
and vocationally trained entrepreneurs earning low incomes and only beginning to
move out ofon-farm activities. Some ofthe individuals did not have enterprises,
but they were management staff of key institutions serving the MSE sector.
Indeed there was still strong attachment to land and livestock ownership. Most of
the beneficiaries had receivecJ. more than one BDS-information service for the 12
year period during which they were members and were pleased with the
services as implied in their recommendations for intensified assistance. Indeed
few beneficiaries had other sources of assistance.
In terms ofthe usefulnt;:ss ofthe data for future impact assessment, it is clear that
the beneficiary activities and interaction with the respective projects will be bound
to affect them as individuals (personal growth), their enterprises (assets, income),
their households (general welfare) and the wider communities in which they
operate. We thus recommend that the data on impact assessment focus on these
four levels and that the key variables ofincome, employment and assets as well
as the qualitative aspects ofwellbeing be clearly investigated during the impact
study.

This book results from a cross-national and interdisciplinary research effort.
Although Collette Suda (C. S.), a rural sociologist, and Enos Njeru (E. N.), and
Philip Kilbride (P. K.), both anthropologists, were all academically trained in
the United States, we have benefited from an "insider" -" outsider" dialogue in
writing this book. C. S. and E. N., as Kenyans, kept our work closely grounded
in local language, cultural interpretations, and applied recommendations. P. K.
focused on ethnography as an "outsider," as non-Kenyans must do, and also
sought to coordinate our findings with comparative, cultural, and theoretical
concerns beyond the Kenyan scene. We operated, however, on some occasions
as insiders or outsiders given P. K.' s research on children and family in East
Africa since 1967 and E. N.'s and C. S.'s international travel, education, and
living experiences abroad. More details about our collaboration in research and
writing together are provided in the text.
Street children are often portrayed by the public and sometimes in
publications as a separate, socially distinct category of person. We have tried to
emphasize here social complexities that problemtize this simplistic view.
Following a holistic perspective, we have emphasized throughout the book how
street children in Kenya, in fact, live like other Kenyans, embedded, for
example, in similar institutions, informal work routines, cultural beliefs, and
family relations. Such involvements are not dissimilar in many respects from
others who make up the working poor in Nairobi. Still, street children do stand
apart as a distinct social category both in their own minds and that of the public
as well. We will consider reasons for this and which social characteristics seem
widely shared among street children. Throughout, however, while recognizing
commonalities, we attempt to emphasize the rich variation among children that
we discovered in our research.
In our book we seek to systematically provide information about street girls.
An awareness of difference and variation as our work progressed compelled us
to emphasize gender differences at every tum. We also wanted to highlight gender inasmuch as compared to boys, very little is published about street girls.
This is strikingly true in Kenya but, to a great degree, elsewhere in the world-as
well. We decided to incorporate a gendered analysis throughout the book rather
than providing separate chapters on girls. This decision was taken so as to
better put across the idea that there are commonalities among all street children
irrespective of gender differences. When all is said and done, boys and girls in
Kenya share a common label and many similar problems.
As part of our holistic perspective, we have taken special note of how the
current problem of street children in Kenya stands in sharp contrast to
indigenous derived practices and experiences associated with childhood in
Kenya. The street child is but a recent event in the culture history of Kenya.
Specifically, we have emphasized Kenyan family cultural beliefs and indigenous
practices as an interpretive framework not only because we believe this to be
relevant, but also inasmuch as family and gender issues themselves, apart from
street children, have occupied us prior to and throughout our work with street
children. For better or worse, we have tried here to relate social topics we know
the most about to the situation of street children. Only the reader can judge if
we have overstated our family-friendly interpretation and related practical
recommendations with which we conclude this book. We trust that most readers
will agree that family analysis is certainly relevant to a full understanding of
street children in Kenya. Whatever interpretive conclusions arise on this point,
we all hope that our descriptive materials about street children stand alone and
are informative in their own right.
Throughout our research and writing, we have followed research methods
that attempt to involve the voices of street children concerning events, beliefs,
experiences, and aspirations that they privilege in their own discourse about
themselves. Ethnography, focus group, and social survey converge around our
experience near research methodology. Overall, previous published materials in
Kenya have not systematically privileged children's voices in the multirnethod
sense that we have attempted here. Nevertheless, we have also set out
theoretical objectives and conceptual categories derived from our own
disciplinary, theoretical concerns and comparative understandings about street
children globally. Therefore, we will consider interplay between children's
voices and our theoretical framework as part of our discussion of methodology.
However, inclusion of street children's voices here is more than simply a
matter of epistemology. Our ultimate intention of being able to better suggest
some applied, practical recommendations to policy makers also compels us to
consider children's perspectives wherever possible. It is unlikely that many
policy recommendations concerning street children will get very far before
people first learn directly from the children about themselves. How best to
assist them is also something street children have thought about and about which
they have strong opinions. We end our book with policy recommendations that
take into account, but which are not limited to, the voices of those children
represented in our research. Weare hopeful that our recommendations, about social policy and applications of our research in Kenya will be of interest to all
of those thinking about applied solutions to what is, in fact, a global problem
concerning street children in many nations.
We use pseudonyms in this book for most individuals whom we encountered
in fieldwork. In particular, we have used real or invented nicknames for all
street children on the advice of street children who, themselves, use nicknames
to conceal their identities from the police. An exception is "Mama Ford," a
buyer of waste products from street boys who, after reading what we had written
about her with approval, requested that we give her real name, Josephine
Karanja, in publication.
We have also not published photographs so as to conceal the identities of
street children, most of whom are regularly under harassment from the police.
Moreover, most street children may want their past lives on the streets kept
private in the future. There is a rapid turnover on the streets such that as far as
the street children described here are concerned, all have left the streets or now
live in different locations in Nairobi. The wheel of field research and
publication grinds slowly; in our case, that has served our desire to protect the
identities of our informants as well as to become familiar with changes in their
lives over time.

The Department for International Development (DFID) and
the British Aid for Small Enterprises (BASE) are supporting
micro-finance projects in Kenya. The goal of the projects as
set out in the logical framework is to provide additional
employment and self-employment opportunities, especially for
poorer people and increase their incomes through improvement
in the production capacity oftheir micro-enterprises. For this
goal to be attained, the capacity ofprivate sector intermediary
micro-finance institutions to promote micro and small
enterprises (MSEs) on a sustainable basis is being developed.
Indicators that help to measure progress toward attainment of
the goal such as number of jobs created by the MSEs and
growth ofcapacity ofmicro-finance institutions have been spelt
out. However, to know how far this goal is being attained,
impact assessment needs to be carried out.
This paper examines key issues that need to be borne in mind
by those carrying out impact assessment. It considers the
conceptual framework that guides assessment, research design,
methods and techniques, gender relations and the problems of
attribution and fungibility.
Noponen (1997:3) holds that most organisations establish
monitoring and evaluation systems to help them learn from
their experience and use the experiences to improve their
performance, expand their operations or adapt some of their
operations to local situations.
Evaluation has been defined by Scriven (1967), Glass (1969)
and Stufflebeam (1974) as the assessment ofmerit or worth of
a programme. The Joint Committee on Standards of Evaluation (1981) defined evaluation as the systematic investigation of
the worth or merit of some object. Suchman (1967:7) saw
evaluation as referring to the processes of assessment or
appraisal of value. According to Linchfield et al. (1974:4),
appraisal refers to the process of analysing a number of plans
or projects with a view to searching out their comparative pros
and coris and the act of setting down the findings of such
analysis in a logical framework.
These definitions show that the concepts "evaluation",
"assessment" and "appraisal" are synonymous and are used
interchangeably.
The concept "impact assessment", which is widely used in the
literature on micro-enterprise refers to a type of evaluation or
assessment that focuses on outcomes or effect ofa programme
(Oakley, 1987:31). Goldmark and Rosengard (1981: 10) see
impact evaluation as referring to the assessment of a smallscale
enterprise's effect on its intended population. The
assessment entails an analysis ofthe enterprise's viability and
its interaction with and influence on the community as an
outcome of an external programme ofassistance. Goldmark
and Rosengard caution that impact evaluations should not only
describe financial or managerial changes occurring within the .
micro-enterprise and how far the changes are meeting.
developmentobjectives, but also observe the changes that have
taken place in the community.
Impact evaluation studies have become popular with donors·
and, as a corollary, have become a.significant component of
donor funding and, consequently, of recipient institutions
(Hulme, 1997).· Their objectives are:
to figure out the effects ofintervention in changing the
conditions facing the target population (Oketch et aI.,
1991);
b) to objectively justify continuing support to MSEs and
also validate their choice of given modes of
intervention; and
c) as a stage in the project planning process, evaluation
seeks to provide information pertaining to important
implications of the planning process, i.e., it helps to
establish what happened where particular options were
taken up, whether anticipated effects occurred, who
gained or lost, when the effects occurred and the
efficiency of the investment in relation to resources
used and benefits derived (Linchfield, et ai. 1974).
To achieve these objectives, donors seek more information
about programme effectiveness rhan is readily available from
routine impact and monitoring systems ofrecipient institutions.
Besides measuring the efficacy of programmes, donors often
emphasise impact evaluations to meet the accountability
demand oftheir home governments and thus justify continued
support. To this extent, impact evaluations tend to be donordriven
(Hulme, 1997). Donor institutions such as DFID have
legitimate interest in measuring programme impacts as in the
case of the REME project.
Impact evaluation also exposes internal problems and
constraints~ and provides benchmark information for
comparing, ranking and selecting sets ofappropriate methods
(REME Project Proposal, 1997).
These objectives place high demands on the quality and
accuracy of data. However, given" the context of developing countries (limited numbers of professional researchers, few
written records, illiteracy, communication problems, lack of
respondent motivation and limited budgets), such evaluations
might not generate accurate measurements of impacts, and
caution has to be exercised when they are performed.

Although there is a general realization that there are "people" in the streets, we often take the phenomenon for granted probably because we wake up and go home only to come to the streets the following morning and still find the people. This situation is, however, changing with the emergence of the "birth" and increase of street children as we begin to take into consideration the category of people to be routinely found on the. streets. The phrases "street children" refer to the children below the statutory adult age living on or found on the streets. These children derive their livelihood from the streets. We often distinguish between children on streets and children a/the streets. While the children on the streets may have a "home" to go to, the latter are an integral part of the street having nowhere to retire to at the
end of the day.
The street children have actually been there for as long as the urban centres existed probably due to the social and physical characteristics of the urban centres in which the duality of outcome is apredominant feature (Gichuru, 1993). Thus the modem urban centre has always been aplace ofpoverty and riches, chaos and order, squalor and splendour, development and underdevelopment. Street children have, however, not been viewed so much as a problem until recently following the unprecedented urban growth. Although the street children phenomenon is not unique to urban areas of the LDCs, the phenomenon has become so widespread in some urban centres that there has been a mushrooming of organizations whose activities are mainly centred around rehabilitation ofthe street children. Many studies indicate that the street children phenomenon is not only increasing but is also becoming widespread and affecting millions ofchildren (Grant et. aI., 1989; Gichuru, 1993; ICIHI, 1986 and Suda, 1994).
The number ofstreet children increased from 15 in 1969 to nearly 500,000 in 1994 (Gichohi, 199~). This number is expected to rise to 7 million by the year 2000, if we were to base our calculation on the rate of 10 % increase per annum. In addition, many street children are becoming children a/the streets and we are now increasingly talking of street families and street gangs. Most of the street children are in the urban areas. This chapter argues that the street children phenomenon is born out of consequences of the unprecedented rate of urbanization process which leads to unemployment, poverty and cultural loss. This culminates in the devaluation of the child who has, therefore, to fend for him/herself from the streets.

Poverty among women has been linked to r various social, cultural, economic, religious and political factors. This paper presents a sociocultural analysis of structural and psychological forces within social fabric that characterize the manifestation of male chauvinism against any affIrmative action to safeguard the interests of women. The focus is on the relationship between poverty and male violence as directed to women, in the process of which the women are treated and become junior partners in decision-making with regard to resource use, distribution, conservation and consolidation, within and outside the family.
The structural linkages between poverty and male violence against women arise from the fact that the overall impact of such violence is differential access to rights and opportunities by both sexes, denying women the various forms of autonomy in decision making and pursuit of many opportunities in order to compete at par with their male counterparts, especially within the context of income generation, property procurement and management. Under more equitable circumstances, women should own the products
of their labor, rather than having all the ownership rights vested in men, thereby depriving women of their rights in both the ownership and disposal of what they should otherwise be recognized as the major producers and rightful custodians. The empirical data from which the illustrations in this paper are drawn is based on a study of violence against women in Nairobi and Kajiado districts of Kenya By defmition, violence against women has been taken to include all gender-biased violence that
results or is likely to result in physical, psychological and other forms of harm or suffering to women. Violence against women can occur at the family, community and the wider
societal levels. The family-based violence covers physical, sexual and psychological violence within the family and specifically includes incest (against women and children), sexual abuse of female children in the household, marital rape, spousal violence and battering of women. At the community and wider societal levels, violence against women includes rape of women, rape of female children, various forms of sexual harassment, forced prostitution, women battering and denial of various social and economic rights.